Vulnerability and Poverty During Covid-19: Religious Minorities in India
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The Covid-19 pandemic has had direct and indirect effects on religiously marginalised groups, exacerbating existing inequities and undermining the ambitions of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to reach (and include) those ‘furthest behind’. Religious inequalities intersect with other inequalities to compound vulnerabilities, particularly the convergence of low socioeconomic status, gender inequality, and location-specific discrimination and insecurity, to shape how people are experiencing the pandemic.
This policy briefing, written by Dr Joanna Howard (IDS) and a co-author (who must remain anonymous for reasons of personal security), draws on research with religious minorities living in urban slums in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka states in India. Findings show that religiously motivated discrimination reduced their access to employment and statutory services during the pandemic. Harassment and violence experienced by Muslims worsened; and loss of livelihoods, distress, and despair were also acutely experienced by dalit Hindus. Government response and protection towards lower caste and religious minorities has been insufficient.
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The report presents key findings on ways in which the experiences of people are accentuated by religious marginality in its intersections with other identifiers. The findings are drawn from discussions held during 24 participatory inquiry groups (IGs), drawings, reflections, ranking and scoring matrices, and 30 semi-structured interviews.
These activities took place with people living in poverty, brought together in separate groups of men and women of each religious minority, and with comparator groups from the mainstream religion. The selected sites were towns sheltering internally displaced people (IDPs) in Plateau and Kaduna states in Nigeria, and urban slums in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka states in India. In each site, we also consider the experiences of comparator 9 groups, i.e. those also living in poverty but of the mainstream religion, such as dalit Hindus in India, Muslims living in a predominantly Christian area of Nigeria, and Christians living in a predominantly Muslim area of Nigeria.
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Water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) failures continue to be discussed mostly off the record, with professionals the world over repeating one another’s mistakes.
Failure is difficult to talk about, but WASH failures have negative impacts – money is wasted and sometimes people are harmed. We need to acknowledge that not everything we try will succeed, but that if we learn from one another, we can continuously improve our work. Since 2018, we have attempted to foster this change through the ‘WASH Failures Movement’.
This issue of 'Frontiers of Sanitation' is a compilation of what we’ve learned about why WASH failures happen, how we can address them, and how we can facilitate a culture of sharing and learning from failure in the WASH sector.
This is part of a series of chapter summaries of the Handbook of Participatory Research and Inquiry.
In 2007 I published Systemic Action Research (SAR) which laid down some foundational principles as to how we could build on Participatory Action Research Approaches toward a more systemic approach to change. Since then, I have published widely on SAR. A detailed exposition of the key steps in the process (of which this is a summary) can be found in chapter 49 of the Sage Handbook of Participatory Research and Inquiry which I co-edited with Jo Howard and Sonia Ospina. The idea is to build methods that can take action research to scale without undermining (indeed strengthening) its participatory and inclusive nature. This is what I call scaling and deepening participatory research (Burns 2018).
By systemic I mean both that we are able to engage with the complex system dynamics within which the issues we wish to engage with our situated, and that our action research design mirrors that complexity. This means for example creating multiple action research groups which connect to the issue we are working on, in order to build in the different knowledges which represent the diverse perspectives and power relations across the system. This process has evolved over 20 years through multiple projects which I have co-facilitated with colleagues and partners They have each allowed an evolution of the methods across very different countries and sectors. More recent large scale projects have included work on slavery and bonded labour in India and Nepal, work on conflict transformation and peacebuilding in Myanmar and Mali, and work on Worst forms of Child Labour in Bangladesh and Nepal.
The chapter in the Sage Handbook of Participatory Research stresses the importance of collective analysis and shows how this can be done. It also stresses the ‘research’ in action research, highlighting the importance of grounding any action in knowledge gained from inquiry, as well as learning from the action itself. These two things must go hand in hand. This is a version of evidence-based change.
Analysis is never neutral. It is enhanced by the understanding of context that the analysers bring to it. Collective analysis means that data analysis is subject to the scrutiny of being viewed through multiple lenses. This makes meaning open to critical contestation and dialogue. As a result, the analysis is likely be more robust.
Collective analysis is a process by which people explore the raw data themselves and with others. This means rather than being presented by analysis, they understand the nuances and texture of how that analysis was reached. This not only leads to better understanding but also to high levels of ownership of the analysis. Ownership leads to motivation for action, it also leads to championing of innovation enabling horizontal spread of ideas that work from community to community.
The process that I describe here is one way to do systemic action research. It combines two methodological elements. The first is collective evidence gathering and analysis in the form of life stories and the second is an action research process which is built from the analysis of the first process.
Life stories underpin this process. In a life story people respond to a prompt question which is open within broad boundaries such as “please tell me about your life and work here in this neighbourhood” These are not interviews (characterised by questions and answers). Open stories of this sort have the following advantages:
Typically between 100 and 300 stories are collected in each focus hotspot. This gives a critical mass (some form of saturation) which allows us to feel confident that we have identified the most important patterns.
In the CLARISSA programme focussing on worst forms of child labour we have refined the key steps as follows:
The analysis workshop typically takes place over 4-5 days with 30-40 participants. Participants in pairs or trios will each analyse a proportion of the stories. We mix literate and non-literate participants to ensure that they can all engage.
The workshop has a number of phases.
We explain with lots of examples the idea of causes and consequences (direct and indirect, linear and non linear).
We give each pair or trio maybe 7-10 stories to analyse over a period of 24 hours.
We practise the process with one or two stories collectively so that everyone understands what to do.
The process involves (1) identifying the two key issues or relationships between things that are central to the story – put them each on a sticky note (2) drawing a small system map of all of the key factors in the story and linking them with arrows denoting causal relationships.
We analyse the sticky notes by placing them on a wall of paper and clustering them. This helps us to identify the main themes. We then have a collective discussion on what we see.
We analyse the wider pattern of causal relationships by transferring all of the factors and arrows which are on the small system maps onto a huge wall of paper (often a metre high by 6 metres long). Factors and arrows connecting them can only appear on the map once.
Once all of the relationships are depicted, we identify which lines are the strongest and check how many stories show that relationsip. Based on this we thicken the lines so that we can see which relationships are repeated and which are most dominant. We then have a collective discussion on what we see.
Based on this collective discussion we identify:
Based on our discussion of these we identify core themes for action research groups which people want to work on. Action Research is a process for generating change by generating action from evidence, and then generate learning and evidence from action. Both the evidence gathering and the action are central to ensuring that the right actions are taken, that they are truly owned by participants. This in turn leads to the possibility that they might be sustainable and or taken to scale. We use a five-step cycle in our action research process:
Once the action research groups have been identified they follow the following steps over a period of 9 – 18 months.
Building on a kernel of enthusiastic participants at the workshop, Identify possible new participants and spend time building relationships and trust amongst all of the participants (this could take up to 3 months).
Develop a process for ensuring that all of the existing evidence (stories, maps, analysis workshop discussions) on the key issues for discussion are synthesised and communicatedto the action research group. Identify what evidence on that specific issue is still needed. Carry out an evidence gathering exercise on the specific causalities that the group is exploring.
Based on all of this evidence work with the group to develop ideas for action, and to think through the ground level theories of change, which will help to elaborate why participants think this course of action will work.
Plan Action, Take Action … and after an appropriate period of time assess what has worked and what has not worked.
Based on the learning from this exercise the groups will refine, reconstruct, or even abandon the action that was taken. If it is working well the group might then explore how to build on it.
The process described here is one in which action research groups are set up to explore and take action around issues of critical importance to participants. The choice of focus is built on a collective analysis of information. further evidence is gathered in order to collectively make sense of how the system works and to develop theories of change and the actions that flow from them. This enables action research groups to target their energies on what matters and as a result to ensure ownership, continued engagement and effectiveness.
Other books articles and resources which will provide more detailed information on this approach:
Burns, D. (2021), The role of collective analysis in generating ownership and action in Systemic Action Research, in Burns, D.; Howard, J. and Ospina, S.M. (eds.) The SAGE Handbook of Participatory Research and Inquiry, London: SAGE Publications Ltd.
Burns, D. and Worsley (2015), Navigating Complexity in International Development: Facilitating sustainable change at scale.
Burns, D. (2015) ‘How change happens? The implications of complexity and systems thinking for action research’, Handbook of Action Research 3rd edition, pp 434-445 London: Sage
Burns, D. (2014), ‘Systemic Action Research: Changing system dynamics to support sustainable change’, Action Research Journal, Vol. 12, issue 1. pp. 3-18, Sage doi:10.1177/1476750313513910
Burns, D. (2007) Systemic Action Research; A strategy for whole system change, Bristol: Policy Process
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Engaging men and boys is an exciting development in the WASH space; for too long our efforts to transform gender inequality focused too narrowly on women and girls.
Limiting ourselves to half the possible number of allies, partners for change, innovators, and leaders to address this issue held back progress, and also placed the ‘burden for change’ squarely on women’s shoulders
This issue of Frontiers of Sanitation explores the extent to which engaging men and boys in WASH processes is leading to transformative change in gender roles, attitudes, and sustainable change in reducing gender inequalities across households, communities, organisations, and policy.
This document is an update to Frontiers Part 1 produced in 2018. In Part 1, the differing roles of men and boys were reviewed in terms of objects to change (i.e. to change sanitation or hygiene behaviours), agents of change (in promoting improved practices), and partners for change in gender-transformative WASH processes.
This update reviews progress and provides practical examples of the opportunities and challenges with this endeavour. It also includes recommendations for those thinking about why and how to include engaging men and boys as part of their WASH programmes.
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This document accompanies Frontiers of Sanitation: Engaging men for gender transformative WASH, Part 2, which explores the extent to which engaging men and boys in WASH processes is leading to transformative change in gender roles, attitudes, and sustainable change in reducing gender inequalities across households, communities, organisations, and policy.
Practical examples are presented here from:
Each of these examples, all of which are from projects funded by the Australian Government’s Water for Women Fund, describe interventions that employed different gender-transformative approaches to engage with and reach men and boys. They also describe the projects’ successes and challenges.